Good Country People by Flannery O’Connor Essay Example for Free

Good Country People by Flannery O’Connor Essay The short story Good Country People by Flannery O’Connor, is didactic literature, with hefty character analysis to portray that people are not who they appear to be. Hulga, a 32 year old woman with a heart condition. O’Connor portrays Hulga as an experience and strong woman, but through analysis Hulga is well educated but childish and weak Hulga obtains a PhD in philosophy and is taught by highly intellectual people. Hulga has the impression of herself that because she has gone to school for many years and obtain her PhD that she is an experienced woman. In the beginning of the story that is how she appears to be. â€Å"Science on the other hand, has to assert its soberness and seriousness afresh and declare that it is concerned solely with what is. † A line underline in blue pencil, therefore it can be inferred that this quote is of importance to Hulga. Hulga, in this sense is to be thought of as well educated because of her exposure and open mindedness to her religious mother and scientific education leaving her to feel as if she is well experienced, when she is only educated. Her mother is religious therefore Hulga being exposed to religion and while in college educated with science and allowing her to make an informed decision on her beliefs, which is atheism. She has a more open mind for she sees what is in front of her and not what just is told to be true. Therefore she is not well experienced but just well educated. Also her lack of experience is evident when her first date is at the age of 32, when in society that happens when a person is an adolescent, therefore inferring that she has missed important stages in life that add to a person’s experience. Leading to the theme people are not who they appear to be. Hulga, appearing to be experienced is only a well-educated woman. Hulga is childish, thus rebuking the original thought of Hulga as experienced. Hulga falls for the multitude of compliments and lies the boy selling the Bible fills her head with. â€Å"You’re a brave sweet little thing and I liked you the minute I seen you walk in the door. † Hulga believes that this is how he truly thinks of her when in reality he is just using her. â€Å"During the night she imagined she had seduced him. † Hulga, holding such thoughts is seen to be childish because one who is not, understands and would realize deep feeling needs to be given time and does not happen overnight. Even though Hulga is portrayed as experienced because she is uneasy about the situation, she is in reality childish because she falls for the boy’s lies. Also she is seen to be a strong woman, but she is not because she did not stand her ground and fell for the boy’s lies. Therefore leading the reader to see that people are not who they appear to be, as Hulga is just as childish as she is educated. Hulga because of her heart condition is depicted to be a strong woman, but she is really a weak and vulnerable human being. She gave a little cry of alarm but he pushed her down and began to kiss her again. Without the leg she felt entirely dependent on him. † Her mental well-being is far from strong. She is weak because without her leg she is left to feel utterly weak and vulnerable and dependable on a boy who she vaguely knows. O’Connor from the beginning of the short story was portraying Hulga to be a woman that was strong, for she had a heart condition that could claim her life at any time but, she still continued on with her life in the form of education. Hulga reserved, spent most of her time alone, leading the reader to believe that she did not need anyone in particular in her life to make her feel as if she was important. But, with insight from this particular scene. the reader can see that she is a pure vulnerable and weak human being for she does not know how to conduct herself in such a situation out of her control; Leading to the theme people are not who they appear to be. Hulga appears to be strong and independent when in reality she is a weak human being. O’Connor’s didactic literature uses character analysis to portray the theme people are not who they appear to be using a 32 year old woman who is disabled and an atheist. O’Connor portrays Hulga to be experienced and strong but when placed in a situation that is unfamiliar to a person, her true colors shows and the reader sees her for who she really is. A well-educated but inexperienced, childish and weak human being, leading to the lesson, people are not who they appear to be.

Principal Strengths And Weaknesses Of Norwegian Integration Politics Essay

Principal Strengths And Weaknesses Of Norwegian Integration Politics Essay The foreign policy of the European Union (EU) compromises two major tools. First, deepening dictates a horizontal (among members) process where member states tie up their relations on stronger grounds. Second, enlargement is associated with a vertical growth (between members of the EU and the candidate countries) that absorbs new members into the Union creating new markets, new employment potential, and a wider geographical status. The basic difference between these two processes is that the latter must also include the satisfaction of an outsider (i.e. the candidate country). As strange as it may sound to a Turkish citizen, some countries are willing to opt out the so-called opportunity of becoming an EU member. Any expression of opposition to the European Union or to the project of European integration, generally labeled Euroscepticism, comes from many different quarters and spans across the political spectrum. One basic idea is that European integration might be accompanied by a certain disintegration of the political system at the national level. In the recent European Parliament elections, many Eurosceptics entered the European Parliament, thus suggesting that Euroscepticism is on the rise across Europe. In surveying the nature of Euroscepticism across European states, Szczerbiak and Taggart (2000) identified Soft and Hard Euroscepticism which implicitly suggest particular features of Eurosceptical attitudes to Europe. For Hard Eurosceptics, the EU may be opposed because it embodies some previously identified  «enemy » (e.g. capitalism for communism, socialism for the right, bureaucracy for populists, supranationalism for nationalists, or neo-liberalism for socialists). For Soft Eurosceptics, the EU is problematic when it development runs counter to interests, policies or issues they support. (Szczerbiak and Taggart 2008) Euroscepticsm in Norway In the Norwegian context, Euroscepticism is usually associated with the question of membership. To the question why the membership issue was and is so hotly debated in Norway there is no single answer, but rather several partial ones. A leading expert in the field of political behavior, Professor Henry Valen, points to the interplay of history, geography and social structure(Miles 1996). Historically, centuries of foreign rule first by the Danes, then by the Swedes and the fact of being a young nation (i.e. Norways comparatively recent independence since 1905) made many Norwegians fierce patriots. To this should be added the large geographical distance to mainland Europe. The country has traditionally pursued a policy of non-involvement in European conflicts. Furthermore, the Norwegian Euroscepticism can be traced to both the economic and cultural territorial cleavages that shape the Norwegian party system, thus cutting across the main left-right dimension in Norway i.e. socio-economic competition between Labour and the Conservatives. (Eliassen and Sitter 2003). The centre-periphery cleavages derived from the national revolution and the rural-urban cleavages that were arose during the industrial revolution are other two explanatory dimensions of Euroscepticsm in Norway (Rokkan and Urwin 1983). Domestic politics reflect economic inequalities and conflicts of interest stemming from the huge geographic extension of the country from south to north and the gap in living conditions between the densely inhabited and industrialized areas of south and the thinly populated rural and coastal districts. Furthermore, throughout the EU debates there were unusual but strong alliances between farmers and fisherman, urban radicals, and partisans of lingui stic, religious and teetotalist counter-cultures. Miles (1996) finds that on most of these dimensions there has been a remarkable stability since the early 1970s. The economic dimension of Norwegian Euroscepticism is illustrated in the sectors that face uncertainty or decreased subsidies if exposed to free trade and competition, primarily agriculture and fisheries, but also to a smaller extent the public sector. Fear that integration might undermine Norways regional policy, which entails both economic transfers and positive discrimination in the forms of tax-breaks and other financial incentives, provides further grounds for economic opposition. In terms of identity or culture, European integration has been perceived as a potential or actual threat to Norways moral-religious heritage (Eliassen and Sitter 2003). Foreign and security policy added as further dimension to the Norwegian Euroscepticism. Until 2000, there was scarce evidence of that Norway was responding to the end of the Cold War and changing military and security realities of the 1990s, and the distance between Norwegian and EU security policy was greater than at the beginning of the decade (Eliassen and Sitter 2003). This is rooted partly in the perception that Norway is a different country, in terms of either geopolitics or its international profile. The EU and the USs changing approaches to security and defense (beyond sole focus on traditional concerns of defense of state bounders), has little effect on the Norwegian foreign and security policy. However, even in narrow terms of security concerns, Norway is finding that its non-NATO neighbours are increasingly addressing regional concerns through the EU institutions. Given its NATO membership and geostrategic position, Norway would be in a prime position to play a strong role in shaping the EUs emerging security and defense policy. Thus, even in the absence of EU membership, Norway joined the Schengen agreement on police cooperation and border control and performs surveillance on the European It has also established close cooperation with the EU on its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Historical outline of Norways foreign economic relations since independence Norway is no stranger to complex relations with the outside world (Claes and Fossum 2002). Its foreign policy has historically striven to strike a balance between internationalism and national self-assertion. Although united under a common king as early as 872, it lost its independence in the late Middle Ages, was ruled by Denmark from 1390 to 1814, and then was the possession of the Swedish king until obtaining independence in 1905. In order to find the connection between a nations national identity and her foreign policy, one must first deal with whether Norwegian identity formation has yet ended up with a solid national identity. Anthony Smith (1993) outlines fundamental features of a national identity as such: a historic territory (homeland); common myths and historical memories; a common mass public culture including dialect languages and shared customs/traditions; common legal rights and duties for all members; and a common economy with territorial mobility for members. Internalizing Smiths features of national identity as well as making, Norwegian society has come up with an accomplished national identity without question. The main priority in Norwegian foreign and security policy after the Second World War was always the Atlantic relationship, built around NATO membership and a strong reliance on the United Kingdom and the United States. In 1960 Norway joined the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) which included the United Kingdon, Finland, Sweden, Austria, and Liechtenstein. However, Norways applications to join the European Community in 1962 and 1967 and vetoed by France indicated that there was potential for conflict in the Norwegian political system concerning stronger orientation towards the European Community. The opposition was not limited to the internal dimensions. Externally, membership meant a potential break with the traditional non-supranational Nordic and EFTA approaches. As a consequence, it was felt by many Norwegians that Nordic cooperation might be jeopardized by opting for EC membership. The 1972 Trauma In the 1972 referendum on EC membership, a majority of 53 percent of the population voted against. Community to ensure duty-free trade for manufactured goods, the European question receded from its political agenda. The negative referendum outcome caused something like a political earthquake in Norway. It marked a broad popular protest against the exclusive competence of the government to handle questions of foreign policy and international economics generally and against EC membership specifically. The No in a way became part of the Constitution, standing above the government, the Storting (parliament) and the political parties. Despite the rejection in 1972, and the following silent treatment of the membership issue, the prospect of the Single European Market triggered negotiations to link the EFTA states with the EC through the creation of the European Economic Area agreement (EEA). As an intergovernmental agreement between the EU and the three remaining EFTA partners (Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway), the EEA became the backbone of Norway s economic relationship with the EU. The vote against membership of the European Community in the 1972 set the scene for an approach to European integration based on an ever closer cooperation short of actual membership. Despite the rejection of membership, Norway was required to respond to and accommodate European integration. What started as bilateral relationships between each EFTA member and the EU evolved into coordinated multilateral interaction in the early 1980s. [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] (Eliassen and Sitter 2003) The 1994 No referendum to EU membership In the wake of the 1994 referendum , in Norway, enormous offshore oil and gas resources had been developed, increasing the level of Norwegian exports and adding one more sensitive sector to the Norwegian negotiation agenda with the EU. In the EU, a more ambitious direction was employed both to harmonize economic regulations of the members in order to create a common market and economic union, and also to create a political union with common foreign policy. The impact of these changes together with political considerations, including loss of sovereignty in critical decision-making areas, made the distance between Norway and the Union extended. The No slogan EU campaigns 1994 slogan centered on three words environment, solidarity and national rule all of which were threatened by the Union. Norwegian Method of European Integration The combination in increasingly close cooperation in a growing range of policy sectors while excluding the possibility of full membership has come to represent a join-as-much-as-we-can-get-away-with approach to European integration on the governments part has been called the Norwegian method of European integration (Eliassen and Sitter 2001). The results in both 1972 and 1994 referendums were marginal No majorities, and this has been combined with a permanent pro-integration majority in Parliament, hence the basis for the Norwegian method of European integration. Strenghts of the Norwegian method in European integration The European Economic Area (EEA) has been, is and will be the cornerstone of Norwegian involvement in European integration. The deal entails comprehensive membership in the EUs Single European Market, and most Norwegian parties consider a well-functioning EEA an essential prerequisite for Norway not applying for full membership of the EU. Enlargement of the Single European Market was, of course, both for the EU and the EFTA countries, the key motive behind the EEA agreement (leaving aside the broader political goals of extending European integration), and this is perhaps the aspect of the EU Norway relationship that has worked best. Nevertheless, under the EEA arrangement Norway has seen much better economic development over the last decade than the EU average. The Norwegian North Sea oil wealth is almost a blessing for the Norwegian economy, but not the only, explanation for this. In most sectors, the differences between the EEA and EU arrangements for trade in the Single Market are minor. In several respects, Norway has even outperformed the EU. Interest rates have fluctuated, but with some lag they have followed the Euro-zone. The government debt was eliminated, the foreign trade surplus grew, non-petroleum industrial investment increased and business did not emigrate to the Euro-zone. To be sure, the economic slowdown in the opening years of this century also hit Norway, but less severely than most of the EU member states. Unemployment in Norway stand (relatively stable) at the end of 2009 at around 3 percent, about half the EU average. This can be put down largely to the relatively tight fiscal policy pursu ed in Norway, even in the face of the temptation to use more oil money. In fact, a large degree of convergence between Norway and the Euro-zone in terms of monetary policy has taken place despite the lack of a formal relationship. Norways has secured ad-hoc participation in several EU policy initiatives beyond those covered by the EEA The most spectacular of these, are the Schengen arrangement on passport free travel and associated policies and Norways close cooperation with the EU on its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Perhaps most significantly, the EU-Norway relationship is dynamic. Although this means that the EEA treaty is upgraded when the EU enlarges, most of the responsibility is on the three EFTA members unilaterally to adapt to developments in the EU. This means both EU Treaty change and substantial developments in EU policy. Weaknesses of the Norwegian method in European integration The Norwegian quasi-membership in the EU (Eliassen and Sitter 2004) entails ever-closer cooperation, and the advantages of the supposed discretion that such arrangements entail shrinks with the deepening and widening of the EU. The first challenge is associated with the deepening of the EU. Although the EU as a whole is generally pleased with Norways performance, it shows little interest in developing this system much further to accommodate deepening of European integration. The EEA and Schengen systems are static compared to the very dynamic developments within the EU. Both arrangements are becoming ever smaller parts of the whole, and this is particularly evident when the EU moves into new areas such as counter-terrorism. In other rapidly developing areas such as foreign, security and defense policy, the overall Norwegian strategy is not always clearly developed, and the EU side justifiable questions whether Oslo is prepared to accept the full implications of ad hoc participation in any given initiative. The price for access the Single Market is accepting EU market regulation and competition policy. In terms of the free movement of goods, services, capital and labour, there is little difference between the EEA agreements and full EU membership, and the EEA competition policy has brought a degree of supranationalism to an otherwise intergovernmental agreement. Although Norway has adopted less to EUs competition policy than most member states, it has partially adopted the EUs prohibition approach and remains under pressure to follow EU states in adapting to the EU system (Eliassen and Sitter 2003). The EUs eastern enlargement, or widening, makes up the second element of the challenge of the future and the dilemma of quasi-membership. The tenfold increase in the fee for Norways access to the EU Single Market agreed as part of the EEA enlargement deal not only illustrates the shifting balance between the costs and benefits of quasi-membership (and some EU states perception of Norway as a rich relative who is unwilling to contribute to the common good), but also the potential consequences of the growing asymmetry between the EU and EFTA partners in the EEA. Conclusion Are Norwegians as Eurosceptic as we often think? The question of how and to what extent Norway should participate in European integration has been the most important issue in national politics since the Second World War. The current Norwegian method of European integration lies between the alternatives of full membership and withdrawal from the EEA. At the same time, Norways non-membership of the EU understood as economically sensible for a country rich on natural resources is seen by most of the EU members as an indicator of self-reliance and national independence which suggests cultural introversion and a lack of need to actively trade and communicate in cultural, scientific and commercial matters with the rest of Europe. Despite this quite false picture that is developing, are Norwegians as Eurosceptic as we often think? In light of this, I have identified four arguments against the standard story of Norwegian Euroscepticism: High degree of integration with European markets when looking at the share of import and export from/to EU of total (2000-2009); High degree of compliance with EU Norms, revealed through the percentage of EU directives not transported (EU and EEA scoreboards) between 1997-2009; Considerable pragmatism by Norwegian political parties (i.e. there is a difference between talking and acting). All parties have governed on the EEA and if it was not supported, at least it was accepted as a compromise; Norwegian citizens have average attitudes towards European unification (European Social Survey 2008). Thus, a general lesson for the study of Euroscepticism is that it fails to grasp the distinction between opposition to European integration and opposition to EU membership. It tends to overemphasize the significance of formal membership and ignore many different Norwegian ties to the EU. Membership is not so much a question about the EU, but primarily about domestic issues in Norway, as in most of the member states.

Metaphysics as Addressed by Kant and Hume Essay -- Papers Kant Hume Ph

Metaphysics as Addressed by Kant and Hume In the Prolegomena, Kant states that reading David Hume, "awakened him from his dogmatic slumber." It was Hume's An Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding that made Kant aware of issues and prejudices in his life that he had previously been unaware of. This further prompted Kant to respond to Hume with his own analysis on the theory of metaphysics. Kant did not feel that Hume dealt with these matters adequately and resolved to pick up where Hume had left off, specifically addressing the question of whether metaphysics as a science is possible. Hume basically asserted in his writings that metaphysics, as a science, is not possible. He specifically drew on the theory of "causality", which is the attempt by people to rationalize situations. These rationalizations deal with the experience of cause and effect. People tend to attribute patterns to things according to their cause and effect. For example, gravity causes the anything that goes up to come down- we have become so used to this principle that we have made a very definitive statement on the subject. Hume however, attacks this principle by claiming that we have not experienced every instance of this matter. It is not that it must come down, but that it happens to come down. He believed that any "all" or "must" statement is not reinforced through reason but through repetition. Because Hume feels this way, he then concludes that metaphysics is not possible. Hume's writing posed an interesting starting off point for Kant's theories. As said before, Kant attributes Hume's writing with waking him from his "dogmatic slumber." He recognizes both Hume's intelligence and the validity of his statements. However, he does n... ...th much like Hume stood by skepticism. He relies blindly on faith to explain a large part of what he is trying to discredit Hume for. It is almost as if he is not making a definitive statement on the existence of metaphysics. Rather, he is caught in the middle, claiming that it may be true in one instance, but not in another. Kant directly deals with the problems presented in Hume's analysis of metaphysics. Where Hume stops his line of thinking and becomes skeptical as to the existence of metaphysics as a science, Kant picks up. He proceeds to analyze both the validity of metaphysics as a science and a force in our lives. Turning to the methods of other credible men in the scientific field- such as Copernicus- Kant develops a whole new approach to looking at the world. However, like Hume, Kant encounters an obstacle and does not find a solution for it.

Euthanasia should not be legalized in the US Essay examples -- Mercy K

For the past decade all over the world, one of the most argued and debated about topics has been a patient’s right to choose to end his or her life by means of euthanasia. Euthanasia is the practice of ending a life in a painless manner. It has been and still remains an extremely controversial topic in the US. Does a person have the right to die? Should euthanasia be legalized? Legalizing euthanasia has become a burning topic to doctors, societies, governments, and nations. To me, the US government should not legalize euthanasia. I agree that people should have the right to do anything they want to do, but the death of a human is something that should not be controlled by another human. Life is a divine gift that really matters to all. According to Pope John Paul II, â€Å"A man, even if seriously sick or prevented in the exercise of its higher functions, is and will be always a man. He will never become a vegetable or an animal. The intrinsic value and personal dignity of every human being does not change depending on their circumstances.† Also, most of the people, who ask for the hel...

Essay --

Kidneys are very important organs. Their main responsibility is to filter harmful toxins from the blood, which are then excreted in the urine. The urine then flows through the ureters and into the bladder. When the bladder is full, the sensation to urinate arises and the urine is emptied through the urethra. Sometimes the crystals that are found in urine bind together and become big enough to develop into a kidney stone. I have yet to encounter anyone who has had this issue, but I have heard from other people that kidney stones can be very painful. Knowing the flow of urine and how small ureters are gives me chills just thinking about the pain someone might have to endure. Kidney stones differ in size and shape and can either be smooth or pointy. They can be the size of a sand particle or the size of a golf ball. There are even some stones that can fill the entire kidney; these are known as staghorn stones. Infections are the usual culprits for this type of stone. Calcium, very common in dairy products, is what the majority of stones are created from. Other chemicals tha...

The Climate for Change Summary

The Climate for Change Summary In the November 9, 2008 edition New York Times, an article titled â€Å"The Climate for Change† as a follow up to Al Gore’s speech where he challenged the United States to end its reliance on petroleum based fuels and to generate 100 percent of its electricity from renewable sources within ten years. He gave a five part plan to repower America and to achieve his challenge. Al Gore stated that the new president and the new Congress should offer large-scale investments in incentives for the construction of concentrates solar thermal plants in places that could produce large amounts of electricity. He says we should then begin the planning and construction of a unified national smart grid for the transport of renewable electricity. Third, the government should help America’s automobile industry to convert quickly to plug in hybrids that can run on renewable energy. Fourth, we should embark on a nationwide effort to retrofit buildings with better insulation and energy efficient windows and lighting. Lastly, the United States should lead the way by putting a price on carbon in the US to help reduce global warming pollution coming from us. Al Gore was the forty-fifth vice-president of the United States and was an environmental activist. He won a Nobel Peace Prize in 2007 in recognition for his work. He also won an Oscar for his documentary on the environment that year. In 2006 he founded The Alliance for Climate Protection and has written several books since then.

Psychology of Trading Essay

In a general summary of human events and fortunes, diametrical oppositions create a kind of dialectic of change that works in cycles with not a lot of change happening for most companies but rather slow decline for many and quick change only to face a doomed fall for so many more. This is not really delved into, what partnership the opposing teams have for each other. The professors who are â€Å"out of touch† and talking about fundamentals against the more clever or crafty investment professionals who know and have known for so long how irrational the market is and how crowd dynamics certainly play a huge role in raising or lowering certain stocks. While the authors seem to think that professors are genuinely out of touch and should teach to industry standards what is neglected are how much fundamentals should matter in the long-run. However, I do agree that professors should certainly assess crowd psychology and not only that but the addictive mass-consumption aspect of investments. Stocks are products just like any other though they are symbolic products as well as liquid assets so it’s certainly prestigious to say that you own a lot of shares of Google, just like it used to be prestigious to own Bethlehem Steel but why not just say you have a lot of money to spend on electronic packets of value? Why do people boast about their portfolio and encourage friends to buy into the next great stock that they claim to be smitten by? I think that social networks rather than classic crowd psychology treatise are more helpful in discovering the cascades of â€Å"irrational† investing and â€Å"rational† counter-investing that people engage in. Because stocks have contested and insecure meaning equilibrium is rare yet if the fundamentals are there or more broadly, if they offer a great product that people love to consume then truly it would be not so wise to follow what people do as you miss the best opportunity and settle for the second best. Theoretically if a person could audit a company with a team of the best auditors they should be in possession of very valuable information if this company is trading heavily but can be expected to reach an equilibrium point where it rises for quite awhile and never falls too deeply. Kind of like Best Buy’s stock from July of 2005 to October of 2008, there it seemed like the company satisfied with fundamentals for a long time and created a crowd of loyal consumers who bought not for gain but stability. Then too much bad news and the fundamentals started looking not so good, resulting in a huge dip in the price of the stock to approximately half of the equilibrium value it maintained during the time coordinates specified above. Prestige and the social conditioning forces are simplified in this article with a few less than well-chosen passages of Le Bon who wrote an awful lot about crowd psychology but was more of an inspiration than truly a fruition of great ideas that stand firm on their own. How convincing both the fundamentals argument and the crowd-mechanisms are is really uncertain as even the authors seem to realize that both are important though crowds are far more discussed than issues like why â€Å"Fundamentals† are not always terribly predictive and why. A lot is stated in this article but it’s not really a great think-piece as you learn a lot of information but without a great theoretical framework it resembles a mismatch that barely works towards conciliation.